Imran Khan warns that Pakistan’s election could be a farce
His
party is being unfairly muzzled, the former prime minister writes from prison
Today
Pakistan is being ruled
by caretaker governments at both the federal level and provincial level. These
administrations are constitutionally illegal because elections were not held
within 90 days of parliamentary assemblies being dissolved.
The public is hearing that elections will supposedly be held
on February 8th. But having been denied the same in two provinces, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, over the past year—despite a Supreme Court
order last March that those votes should be held within three months—they are
right to be skeptical about whether the national vote will take place.
The country’s election commission has been tainted by its
bizarre actions. Not only has it defied the top court but it has also rejected
my Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)
party’s nominations for first-choice candidates, hindered the party’s internal
elections and launched contempt cases against me and other PTI leaders for simply criticizing the commission.
Whether elections happen or not, the manner in which I and
my party have been targeted since a farcical vote of no confidence in April
2022 has made one thing clear: the establishment—the army, security agencies
and the civil bureaucracy—is not prepared to provide any playing field at all,
let alone a level one, for PTI.
It was, after all, the establishment that engineered our
removal from government under pressure from America, which was becoming
agitated with my push for an independent foreign policy and my refusal to
provide bases for its armed forces. I was categorical that we would be a friend
to all but would not be anyone’s proxy for wars. I did not come to this view
lightly. It was shaped by the huge losses Pakistan had incurred collaborating
with America’s “war on terror”, not least the 80,000 Pakistani lives lost.
In March 2022 an official from America’s State Department
met Pakistan’s then ambassador in Washington, dc. After that meeting the
ambassador sent a cipher message to my government. I later saw the message, via
the then foreign minister, Shah Mahmood
Qureshi, and it was subsequently read out in cabinet.
In view of what the cipher message said, I believe that the
American official’s message was to the effect of: pull the plug on Imran Khan’s prime minister ship through a vote of no
confidence, or else. Within weeks our government was toppled and I discovered
that Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff,
General Qamar Javed Bajwa, had,
through the security agencies, been working on our allies and parliamentary
backbenchers for several months to move against us.
Today Pakistan is being ruled by caretaker governments at
both the federal level and provincial level. These administrations are
constitutionally illegal because elections were not held within 90 days of
parliamentary assemblies being dissolved.
The public is hearing that elections will supposedly be held
on February 8th. But having been denied the same in two provinces, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, over the past year—despite a Supreme Court
order last March that those votes should be held within three months—they are
right to be skeptical about whether the national vote will take place.
The country’s election commission has been tainted by its
bizarre actions. Not only has it defied the top court but it has also rejected
my Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (pti) party’s nominations for first-choice
candidates, hindered the party’s internal elections and launched contempt cases
against me and other PTI leaders for simply criticizing the commission.
Whether elections happen or not, the manner in which I and
my party have been targeted since a farcical vote of no confidence in April
2022 has made one thing clear: the establishment—the army, security agencies
and the civil bureaucracy—is not prepared to provide any playing field at all,
let alone a level one, for PTI.
It was, after all, the establishment that engineered our
removal from government under pressure from America, which was becoming
agitated with my push for an independent foreign policy and my refusal to
provide bases for its armed forces. I was categorical that we would be a friend
to all but would not be anyone’s proxy for wars. I did not come to this view
lightly. It was shaped by the huge losses Pakistan had incurred collaborating
with America’s “war on terror”, not least the 80,000 Pakistani lives lost.
In March 2022 an official from America’s State Department
met Pakistan’s then ambassador in Washington, dc. After that meeting the
ambassador sent a cipher message to my government. I later saw the message, via
the then foreign minister, Shah Mahmood Qureshi, and it was subsequently read
out in cabinet.
In view of what the cipher message said, I believe that the
American official’s message was to the effect of: pull the plug on Imran Khan’s
prime minister ship through a vote of no confidence, or else. Within weeks our
government was toppled and I discovered that Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff,
General Qamar Javed Bajwa, had, through the security agencies, been working on
our allies and parliamentary backbenchers for several months to move against us.
People flocked onto the streets to protest against this
regime change, and in the next few months pti won 28 out of 37 by-elections and
held massive rallies across the country, sending a clear message as to where
the public stood. These rallies attracted a level of female participation that
we believe was unprecedented in Pakistan’s history. This unnerved the powers
that had engineered our government’s removal.
To add to their panic, the administration that replaced us
destroyed the economy, bringing about unprecedented inflation and currency
devaluation within 18 months. The
contrast was clear for everyone to see: the PTI government had not only
saved Pakistan from bankruptcy but also won international praise for its
handling of the covid-19 pandemic. In addition, despite a spike in commodity
prices, we steered the economy to real gdp growth of 5.8% in 2021 and 6.1% in
2022.
Unfortunately, the establishment had decided I could not be
allowed to return to power, so all means of removing me from the political
landscape were used. There were two assassination attempts on my life. My
party’s leaders, workers and social-media activists, along with supportive
journalists, were abducted, incarcerated, tortured and pressured to leave PTI. Many of them remain locked up,
with new charges being thrown at them every time the courts give them bail or
set them free. Worse, the current government has gone out of its way to terrorize
and intimidate PTI female leaders and workers in an effort to
discourage women from participating in politics.
I face almost 200 legal cases and have been denied a normal
trial in an open court. A false-flag operation
on May 9th 2023—involving, among
other things, arson at military installations falsely blamed on PTI—led to several thousand arrests,
abductions and criminal charges within 48 hours. The speed showed it was
pre-planned.
This was followed by many of our leaders being tortured or
their families threatened into giving press conferences and engineered
television interviews to state that they were leaving the party. Some were
compelled to join other, newly created political parties. Others were made to give
false testimony against me under duress.
Despite all this, PTI remains popular, with 66% support in a
Pattan-Coalition 38 poll held in December; my personal approval rating is even
higher. Now the election commission, desperate to deny the party the right to
contest elections, is indulging in all manner of unlawful tricks. The courts
seem to be losing credibility daily.
Meanwhile, a former
prime minister with a conviction for corruption, Nawaz Sharif, has returned from Britain, where he was living as an absconder from Pakistani justice. In November a Pakistani court
overturned the conviction.
It is my belief that Mr
Sharif has struck a deal with the establishment whereby it will support his
acquittal and throw its weight behind him in the upcoming elections. But so far
the public has been unrelenting in its support for PTI and its rejection of the
“selected”.
It is under these circumstances that elections may be held
on February 8th. All parties are being allowed to campaign freely except for PTI.
I remain incarcerated, in solitary confinement, on absurd charges that include
treason. Those few of our party’s leaders who remain free and not underground
are not allowed to hold even local worker conventions. Where PTI workers manage
to gather together they face brutal police action.
thats great
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